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d2k L. A. |
Orange County oblivious Dissent articles Rampart's finest
contraWTO 1999 |
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Anarchistic Advice to LAPD Daniel C. Tsang L.A. Times 8/12/2000 pB9 | ||
L.A. Police Chief Bernard C. Parks is not likely to ignore the law enforcement lessons from Philadelphia with city fathers there extolling their success in preventing protesters from shutting down the convention. Police there targeted protest leaders like John Sellers, the founder of the Berkeley-based civil disobedience training group, the Ruckus Society, who initially was hit with an incredible $1-million bail (later lowered), an amount typically reserved for serial killers, not those accused of misdemeanors.
Most of the protesters were rounded up before they did anything, in a sort of preventive detention one would have thought was barred by the U.S. Constitution. L.A. will appear lax in not copying that successful tactic. Such "proactive" law enforcement makes a mockery of constitutional guarantees of freedoms of assembly and speech. Watching the video and reading the news accounts on alternative Web sites about the widespread civil rights violations perpetrated by Philadelphia's Finest, I could not help wondering if the birthplace of the U.S. Constitution and the city that houses the Liberty Bell had not become another urban enclave in a banana republic where dissidents were routinely locked up.
Since Seattle, anarchists have become American society's latest nightmare. Young people are convenient scapegoats in an era where even rights for adults are fast becoming a scarce commodity, witness the fact that few workers have any recourse to employers snooping on their e-mail. On "Subversity," my KUCI radio show, I've interviewed Orange County anarchist youth who are part of the August Collective, a group organizing a weeklong North American anarchist conference that overlaps the Democratic convention.
These scions of Orange County's working families are not zonked-out kids out to do wanton violence.
Indeed, among anarchists themselves there is no consensus that violence is the right tactic. Some like pointing out that there is a difference between violence against people and that against property. Yet others worry that any violence will only incur a violent police crackdown, with the anarchist message lost in the turmoil.
To be sure, the image of masked protesters does bring fear to those in power. Intimidation, after all, is one of the purposes of wearing the masks,
as in hiding the identity of the wearer. But the anarchists I talked with also point out that police themselves often pull down the face shields on their riot-gear helmets and turn over their badges,thereby effectively preventing identification. So, they argue, they are just borrowing a tactic used by the cops.
Like their ideological predecessors from the student protests of the
'60s, the anarchists I know are disgusted with their parents' generation and abhor the capitalist values that dominate conventional politics.
Authorities in L.A. need to sit back, reflect and not be panicked into a constitutional blunder that would take years and lawsuits to untangle.
These children of the dot.com generation have an important message that
needs to be given voice: We don't want to be cogs in a global capitalist machine.
As for my agriculture inspection, I passed with flying colors.
On the last day of November last year, I was walking among the swirling crowds and clouds of tear gas in Seattle and noticed Tom Hayden standing on a corner, checking out the tens of thousands of anti-World Trade Organization protesters, the Turtles & Teamsters together. Given that our organization, Public Citizen, helped organize the WTO protests, I asked him what he thought about our mobilization against corporate globalization. A yearlong international grass-roots campaign had stopped a planned expansion of the WTO. He was impressed. Encouraged, I went for it: "Tom," I
asked, "how does this compare to, you know, Chicago '68?"
"The difference," he told me, "is that you're winning."
Like many veterans of Seattle, I will be in Philadelphia for the GOP convention and in L.A. for the
Democrats'. I wish we were organizing a massive street celebration of either party's post-Seattle
epiphany that the flawed and failed free trade agenda must be replaced. If we were winning, the
Democratic convention would ratify, in its party platform, a fair trade plank that meets the legitimate
expectations of workers and family farmers and ensures that a living wage, the environment, health and
democratic accountability are not subordinated to the imperatives of corporate managed trade.
But we're not winning, and the current platform draft, prepared by the corprocratic scriveners at the
"Democratic" Leadership Council, includes a call to revive the outdated "fast-track" model of trade
negotiating authority that gave us North American Free Trade Agreement and was defeated twice by
Congress. Since Seattle, the trade policy showdown was a vote on China's permanent normal trade
relations.
The China business lobby spent an unprecedented amount of money pushing PNTR. According to the
Center for Responsive Politics, Business Roundtable (a corporate lobbying group) companies have
poured $58 million into the campaign coffers of both parties and members on both sides of the aisle
since 1999, including dozens of Democratic "super-delegates", elected officials. The business
campaign spent tens of millions more on lobbyists and TV and radio advertising. And, of course,
transnational corporations are "sponsoring" the conventions; Motorola, for example, which dropped a
cool million on pro-PNTR advertising, spent another million funding the DNC party next month. Then
Al Gore selected Commerce Secretary Bill Daley, perhaps the biggest booster of corporate managed
trade in any administration in history, as chairman of his campaign.
So, as I and my fellow activists don our protest puppets and the Democrats put on their party hats, a
few words of advice and admonition are suggested by our experience in Seattle and a decade of grass-
roots travails in the cause of fair trade. To Democratic delegates: I urge you to walk off the Staples
Center set, put down your scripts, come outside, cross the police line and join us in the street to share,
for a few minutes, the spirit of Seattle. Globalization and trade policy are marker issues now, canaries
in the mine shaft of Democratic policymaking, and this convention is an opportunity to return your
party to its progressive, pro-worker antecedents. If you read the same polls I do, you should realize that
your standard bearer stands a better chance in November if you push him to renounce his slavish
devotion to corporate globalization.
To the mainstream media: You have all our sympathy for trying to find actual news in the predictable,
scripted convention proceedings. You will do your readers and viewers a favor by coming outside as
well to find some real stories. And please don't get distracted by protest tactics. You should be asking
why we are outside with our signs and chants, not merely what we're planning to do to get our message
heard.
To Mayor Riordan and the LAPD: We've all read about your baton-rattling preparations for protesters.
Listen, nobody doubts that you're "Tough Enough to Turn L.A. into a Battle Zone". But hey, you
invited the convention to L.A. (just as Seattle invited the WTO), and political protest is part of the
package. So spare us the bluff and bluster about anarchists. We will be peacefully exercising our 1st
Amendment rights.
To my fellow activists: Folks, we're holding our own against a much better financed corporate lobby because its agenda hurts the majority of people living with its results. Seattle was a battle in a larger war between corporate rule and civil society, and the great and good grass-roots of the international fair trade movement, workers, family farmers, consumers, environmental and human rights activists, must fight on united. The next skirmish, damn it, will be on the streets of L.A. I'll see you there.
Under normal circumstances, hardly anyone in L.A. ever talks about Seattle, except to express delight that they don't live there. These days, however, are an exception. It's Seattle, Seattle, Seattle everywhere you go. What they're saying is that they don't want what happened in Seattle to happen
here. Their reference is to the chaos last year at the world trade summit, during which the Seattle cops came out looking like puppies barking at dinosaurs. The scenes of that calamity are fixed in the minds of our city leaders as the Democratic National Convention looms closer. "We don't want what happened in Seattle to happen here," they sing, like so many sopranos in a church choir.
Mayor Richard Riordan is bustling around these days asking, Rodney King-like, "Can't we all just be nice?" Toward that end, he's been shaking
his fist and joining efforts to keep all
those Seattle-type people as far away as possible from Staples Center when the Democrats come to party Aug. 14. The effort failed. A wise federal magistrate, U.S. District Judge Gary Feess, in striking down a city proposal to create a wide "security zone" (Riordan Road?) around the center, said more or less that you can't subvert the 1st Amendment for the sake of image or convenience. In effect, he explained to the city that the purpose of protest is to reach the protestees, and to do so the protesters must be within at least shouting range. Amen to that.
Those affected by the decision were elated, insofar as protesters are capable of expressing elation and at the same time remaining cool. As everyone knows, when protesters get too worked up they have a tendency to smash and loot. Don't take my word for it. Ask around at City Hall or Parker Center. The LAPD even has a code name for them: STPs. Right. Seattle-Type People.
I spoke with a couple of the STPs the other day in the old building where
they have established their headquarters about a mile north of Staples
Center. One of them is actually an L.A. teacher, so I guess she's an LASTP. Both Sarah Knopp, 23, the teacher, and Lisa Fithian, 39, a New York political activist, promise that their purpose in demonstrating is not to create violence or cause property damage but to protest corporate greed, racism, unemployment, militarism, a biased criminal justice system, inadequate medical treatment for the poor and some other things I can't recall. People things.
Fithian, however, points out that not everyone considers property damage
to be a form of violence and adds: "The only clear violence in Seattle was
committed by the police." An organizer of the protests planned in L.A., she
otherwise wanders the country raising hell for social justice. Knopp, a socialist since high school, sees "something boiling under the surface of America," adding: "Thousands and thousands of people are angry at the way politics are going in this country, and those of us on the street represent them."
The suit challenging the existence of Riordan Road was filed by the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California. Among those cheering Judge Feess' decision (but never smashing or looting) was Ramona Ripston, executive director of the ACLU. "We weren't asking that the protesters be allowed to demonstrate at the door of Staples," she said over the phone, "but they shouldn't be kept two football fields away either." She was especially annoyed at Riordan's recent rabble-rousing essay on our op-ed page. "It was heavy-handed," she said, "and the demonstrators were offended by it. That could cause trouble."
Often the voice of reason in L.A., Ripston points out that in a democracy,
things aren't always "tidy and perfect." Freedom involves risks, she says,
but repression should never be the answer to those risks. Tom Hayden agrees. The feisty state senator, a leader in the earth-shaking social revolutions of the 1960s, accuses the city of trying to invoke prior restraint on the demonstrators. "Stop 'em before they start," he said, mocking Riordan and the LAPD. "Arrest 'em because they might do something." Hayden adds: "Riordan wanted to showcase L.A. with the convention, to say, 'Look, we're back!' Then along comes the shadow of Seattle."
All of those above, even the STPs, seem to be hoping that the convention
will be carried off in a reasonable manner. I see that as meaning that
inside Staples, speakers will bore everyone to death and outside,
protesters will yell everyone to death. Nothing will change. Nothing will be
accomplished. But at least the shadow of Seattle will be lifted and we can all get back to lolling in the nice Riordan sunshine.
Nora Zamichow from staff &
correspondent reports L.A. Times 8/18/2000 pU5
Santa Ana, Anaheim, Costa Mesa & Garden Grove CA U.S.
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